Archive for ‘Paktivism’

March 25, 2012

Attention Nobel Peace Prize Committee: You have a REAL winner

Source: http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/200406/humanitarian.to.a.nation.htm

Authors: Richard Covignton, Shahid ul Alam

 

In the cool interior of a mental ward in Karachi, a short, powerfully built man with a flowing snow-white beard and penetrating dark-brown eyes is standing at the bedside of a distraught young woman. She has covered her head with a sheet and is pleading for news of the two children her husband took from her.

“I know you are suffering terribly, but this is no way to bring back your children,” says the man with stern compassion. “You have a college degree. You can do many things to help the other patients.”

Outside the room’s windows of latticed stone, several hundred other women stroll and lounge under pipal trees scattered around a courtyard as big as several football fields. All are here because their families cannot—or will not—cope with their mental illnesses.

“Self-help,” says the man as he walks away from the young mother’s bedside. “That’s the best way to get back on your feet.”

For more than half a century, Abdul Sattar Edhi, now 76 years old, has been living proof that a determined individual can mobilize others to alleviate misery and, in so doing, knit together the social fabric of a nation. Firmly refusing financial support from both government and formal religious organizations, this self-effacing man with a primary-school education has almost single-handedly created one of the largest and most successful health and welfare networks in Asia. Whether he is counseling a battered wife, rescuing an accident victim, feeding a poor child, sheltering a homeless family or washing an unidentified and unclaimed corpse before burial, Edhi and Bilquis, his wife of 38 years, help thousands of Pakistanis each day.

Starting in 1951 with a tiny dispensary in Karachi’s poor Mithadar neighborhood, Edhi has steadily built up a nationwide organization of ambulances, clinics, maternity homes, mental asylums, homes for the physically handicapped, blood banks, orphanages, adoption centers, mortuaries, shelters for runaway children and battered women, schools, nursing courses, soup kitchens and a 25-bed cancer hospital. All are run by some 7000 volunteers and a small paid staff of teachers, doctors and nurses. Edhi has also personally delivered medicines, food and clothing to refugees in Bosnia, Ethiopia and Afghanistan. He and the drivers of his ambulances have saved lives in floods, train wrecks, civil conflicts and traffic accidents. After the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center, he donated $100,000 to Pakistanis in New York who lost their jobs in the subsequent economic crisis.

Remarkably, the lion’s share of the Edhi Foundation’s $10-million budget comes from private donations from individual Pakistanis inside and outside the country. In the 1980’s, when Pakistan’s then-President Zia ul-Haq sent him a check for 500,000 rupees (then more than $30,000), Edhi sent it back. Last year, the Italian government offered him a million-dollar donation. He refused. “Governments set conditions that I cannot accept,” he says, declining to give any details.

This self-effacing man with a primary-school education has almost single-handedly created one of the largest and most successful health and welfare networks in Asia.Usually dressed in a simple tunic over gray pajamas, scuffed sandals on his feet and his trademark astrakhan hat on his head, Edhi outlines his philosophy in the Mithadar dispensary where he launched his charity more than five decades ago. “I tell people that, because I am working for you, the money must come from you,” he says. For years, this meant that Edhi would take to the streets to beg on behalf of his growing social programs. Even in his 70’s, he still occasionally begs on the streets, generally for the sake of severely ill individuals in urgent need of expensive medical care that his clinics cannot provide.

Generally, however, donors come in person to one of the 300 centers and clinics across Pakistan. One, who declined to give his name, explained that he gives money regularly to the Edhi Foundation because an Edhi ambulance once rescued his sister from an automobile accident. (The cost of an ambulance call—one of the few services for which the foundation charges—is less than 50 rupees, or around 85 us cents.) “When I give this 1400 rupees to Edhi, I know it goes to people who need it,” says the donor.

Some donors have been very generous. One family donated two villas in the wealthy Karachi suburb of Clifton for use as a residence and school for around 250 girls. A Pakistani expatriate in the uk donated office buildings worth £1.4 million ($2.5 million) that became the British headquarters of the foundation, which organizes local charity services both for expatriates and in support of the foundation’s work in Pakistan. In addition to money and property, contributors donate clothes, appliances, furniture—even goat and chicken meat, sometimes by the ton. The organization uses a portion of these gifts to feed and clothe residents of the homes; the rest is given away to other hospitals, prisons and disaster victims.

The lion’s share of the Edhi Foundation’s $10-million budget comes from private donations from individual Pakistanis.For this, Edhi may well be the most widely admired man in Pakistan. In 1986 he received the Ramón Magsaysay Award for Public Service, sometimes referred to as “the Asian Nobel Prize.” In 2000, he was awarded the International Balzan Prize for Humanity, Peace and Brotherhood. In 2002, he joined former us President Bill Clinton, Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel and others as an honorary board member of the newly founded Daniel Pearl Foundation, created in honor of the murderedWall Street Journal correspondent. Typically, Edhi pays his own way to receive awards and participate in conferences.

“What Edhi is doing is nothing short of a miracle,” explains Z. A. Nizami, former director-general of the Karachi Development Authority.

Hemmed in by a labyrinth of fabric shops, food markets and dusty, cart-filled lanes, Edhi’s three-story Mithadar center is a hive of activity. In the crowded front offices, men and women sit behind donated desks taking ambulance calls, ordering medicines and checking the accounts of clinics and centers across the country. In one room, three women are filling out adoption papers. Bilquis Edhi, who oversees adoptions, has placed more than 16,000 children in adopted homes. Outside every Edhi center there is a cradle—shaded from the sun—where unwanted babies can be left anonymously.

Upstairs, a dozen infants and well-fed toddlers, some rattling across the floor in walking strollers, play and doze as Bilquis chats with a woman who has come to adopt a child for her son and daughter-in-law in the United States.

“Every day before school, my mother would give me two paisa and say, ‘Spend one on yourself and give the other away,’” Edhi remembers. “It was her way of creating an awareness in me of the need for social welfare.”“The baby she’s adopting was starving when it arrived,” Bilquis remarks. “When you nurse a child back to life, it really hurts to see her go, even after you’ve gone through the process thousands of times. Finding her a loving home makes it worth the feeling of loss.”

Bilquis tells of the 32-year-old woman who showed up recently at the Mithadar clinic looking for her. The woman explained that her parents had just revealed that they had adopted her as an infant from the Edhi center. “I’m a doctor now, with four children of my own,” she told Bilquis. “And I wanted to show my gratitude to the woman who nursed me.”

“We both broke down in tears,” Bilquis recalls.

With her head loosely covered by a brightly patterned yellow scarf and eyes that twinkle behind black-framed glasses, Bilquis’s sunny, lighthearted disposition contrasts with her husband’s severe, sometimes impatient manner. The pair met at the clinic when she arrived as an 18-year-old nurse in 1965. A year or so later, they were married.

Their wedding night set the tone for the relationship. Dropping by the dispensary after the ceremony, Edhi found a 12-year-old girl with severe head injuries. The newlyweds rushed her to the hospital and spent the night supervising blood transfusions and calming down distraught relatives.

“I didn’t mind at all,” Bilquis told Reader’s Digest for an article published in 1989. “Today that girl is married with children; that’s what is really important.”

Even so, Bilquis acknowledges in a playful way, life with Edhi can be trying. “Sometimes I wonder how I stayed my whole life with this man who is a mental case,” she says with a smile. “He won’t even attend the weddings of his own children, but if there’s an emergency somewhere he’ll dash out to help in an instant.”

In a room nearby, a teacher is conducting a class in Urdu, Arabic and counting for around a dozen children three to six years old, some of whom have Down’s syndrome. Next door, a female doctor is showing 10 aspiring nurses how to take blood tests; it’s part of a six-month course that will lead to their certification as nurse’s aides.

With her head loosely covered by a brightly patterned yellow scarf and eyes that twinkle behind black-framed glasses, Bilquis’s sunny, lighthearted disposition contrasts with her husband’s severe, sometimes impatient manner. “I tell destitute women who come to the centers that they can learn nursing here and later earn their own money as nurses and midwives,” Edhi explains back downstairs in his office. So far, around 1500 women have received this training.

Edhi’s own passion for healing dates back to his childhood. At age 11, he was obliged to care for his mother, who was paralyzed with a severe diabetic condition. “I bathed her, changed her and fed her,” he recalls in his 1996 autobiography, A Mirror to the Blind.“Taking care of my mother made me ponder the misery of others who suffered; from that time on, I began to think of how I could help them, and to dream of building hospitals and a village for the handicapped.”

Born in 1928 in Bantva, a small Indian town of 25,000 inhabitants in Gujarat state, he was “not what I would call an obedient child,” he admits with a grin. A natural leader, when he was not prodding other kids to join him in stealing corn and fruit from wealthy farmers, he was organizing impromptu circuses and performing gymnastic feats for the neighbors. Although his father brokered textiles and other goods and provided the family with a middle-class income, both of Edhi’s parents instilled in him the importance of simplicity and frugal living.

“Every day before school, my mother would give me two paisa and say, ‘Spend one paisaon yourself and give the other away,’” Edhi remembers. “When I came home, she would ask me where I had given away my one paisa. It was her way of creating an awareness in me of the need for social welfare.”

At the same time he began caring for his mother, he also developed a habit of saving, putting aside one rupee for every five he earned working at a fabric shop after school. This thriftiness served him well, prompting him to gradually acquire government securities. Even now, Edhi takes no salary, choosing instead to live parsimoniously on the interest from these securities.

In 1951, four years after the family moved to Karachi following the 1947 partition of the Indian subcontinent, the 23-year-old Edhi used some of his savings to buy a tiny shop, less than three meters (10′) on a side, inside what is now the clinic building. Together with a doctor who taught him the basics of health care, he set up a free dispensary, and he persuaded several friends to help him add free literacy classes. To be available at all times, he slept on a cement bench outside the dispensary.

In 1957, a virulent flu epidemic swept through Karachi. Edhi reacted with unselfish daring, using his own money to erect tented camps on the city’s outskirts where people received free immunizations. After the epidemic was brought under control, grateful residents chipped in to buy the rest of the Mithadar dispensary building, enabling Edhi to create a free maternity center and nursing school.

Dispatched from call centers scattered around the country’s cities and highways, Edhi ambulances are still usually the first to arrive at the scene.Over the years that followed, Edhi realized that Karachi desperately needed an ambulance service. Impressed by his handling of the flu crisis, a local businessman made a large donation, part of which Edhi used to buy a beat-up van that he converted into a free ambulance and drove himself. “I prided myself on being the first to arrive at an accident,” he recalls. Today, Edhi’s ambulance service has grown to a fleet of more than 600 nationwide, all paid for with donations. Dispatched from call centers scattered around the country’s cities and highways, Edhi ambulances are still usually the first to arrive at the scene, and they have helped cut the fatality toll from road accidents by half, he says.

In 1986, during a hijacking attempt at Karachi airport, Edhi marshaled 54 ambulances at the ready. When negotiations between the hijackers and the government broke down and Pakistani commandos stormed the plane, Edhi and other paramedics entered under fire to try to save wounded passengers and crew.

In 1993, during devastating floods in the Punjab, Edhi ambulances rescued 50,000 people. Using donated planes, volunteers also dropped food, water and supplies to isolated families. Edhi’s air ambulance service now numbers three planes and a helicopter, all donated by the US Agency for International Development—“without conditions,” Edhi is quick to point out.

“The 1993 flood was the biggest operation we’d ever done; it satisfied Mr. Edhi that we could handle major disasters,” explains Anwer Kazmi, a longtime friend and aide, who translates Edhi’s Urdu into English.

A stickler for organizational efficiency, Edhi stands up from his desk and goes over to a wall arrayed with stacked drawers of cardboard boxes, each carefully labeled with a year, a location and a subject. “How do you like my computer?” he asks, smiling, as he pulls out a box containing the expense records of the 1993 flood operation. Like his training in health care, Edhi’s expertise in administration is self-taught, his business savvy acquired over decades of running a foundation that now occupies some 7330 staff and volunteers. Back at his desk, he leafs through one of the oversize accounting ledgers that he fills with ruminations, anecdotes, recollections and plans.

“Sometimes I wake up in the middle of the night and jot down ideas in these ledgers,” he explains. “And in the morning, everyone groans about all the orders I hand down as I try to follow through on my inspirations.”

Recently one of those nighttime brainstorms involved setting up emergency clinics on Pakistan’s border with Afghanistan to treat victims of the 2001 war. Edhi’s son Faisal, 26, who works for the foundation, vividly recalls an incident at one of these clinics that encapsulated his father’s demanding nature.

At the new center in Jamun, Faisal explains, local staff members had purchased a dozen chairs for guests and journalists. When Edhi arrived for his own first visit, he blew up. “Why did you waste money on chairs?” he stormed. “Next, you’ll be buying beds and other things for yourselves instead of spending the money on the people we intend to help.” That night, Edhi himself slept with the ambulance drivers on the floor of the center.

As Faisal finishes his anecdote, Edhi rubs a hand across his balding head and nods in agreement. “People respect me because they see how simply we live and that all the donations go to the people who need help,” he volunteers. Only 10 percent of the foundation’s overall budget goes toward administrative overhead, including salaries, he adds.

Edhi and Bilquis still occupy a cramped, two-room apartment next to his office in the midst of the hubbub of the Mithadar clinic. He remains on call for emergencies 24 hours a day—just as he has for the past 52 years. “I am always available to all, rich or poor,” he says. “Anyone can come into this office and talk to me.”

Despite this open-door policy, growing up the children of such a father was not easy. Although Edhi’s children were raised largely by Bilquis’s mother in a house near the dispensary, they were exposed to pain and misery from an early age. At seven, Faisal recalls accompanying his father to recover the corpse of a murder victim. Edhi brought the body back to Mithadar, washed it and gave it a respectful burial. “I got very sick and couldn’t sleep for a week,” Faisal recalls.

Some girls flee to Edhi centers to obtain the education their families deny them. Others are sent by parents eager to have their daughters educated, but too poor to pay school fees.By the time he was 10, however, Faisal had grown accustomed to riding with his father on ambulance calls to bring the dead and injured to morgues and hospitals. Now, Faisal is in charge of the ambulance service, whose costs he is trying to cut to make it self- sustaining. He’s also creating a new dispensary and ambulance center for some 50,000 people uprooted from their Karachi homes by a highway project and forcibly moved to a treeless settlement west of the city where there is no running water, sewage or electricity.

Running the Edhi Foundation is very much a family concern. Edhi, Bilquis and their children meet every Sunday at the girls’ home in Clifton to confer over problems at the centers and plan new projects.

“We discuss each girl individually,” says Edhi’s 36-year-old daughter, Kubra, who is as restrained as Faisal is extroverted. “Before the establishment of Edhi homes, young girls who ran away from their families fell into prostitution and other criminal activities. Now they have a place to take shelter.”

Some girls flee to the center to obtain the education their families deny them, while others are sent by parents eager to have their daughters educated, but too poor to pay school fees.

“When girls first come, they generally pass the first few days with great difficulty, often getting depressed and tense,” Kubra continues. “We involve them in work—taking care of children, mixing with other girls and women. Their lives become more normal after three or four days. If a girl continues to be depressed or has difficulty adjusting, we call a doctor to treat her.”

“This is very difficult work, because of fundamentalism,” Edhi interjects. “Our society does not want to give any facilities to females. When political opponents criticize us, we never fight them—we ignore them.

“Still, it’s very hard to survive if you are working for all the people, not just your particular religious or ethnic group,” he acknowledges. “With so much discrimination and growing religious divisions, my children will have a very, very tough time.”

In 1992, tragedy drew the family closer than ever. A mentally unbalanced woman staying at the Clifton home scalded Kubra’s four-year-old son, Bilal, with bathwater so hot that he died two months later. “Revenge will not bring Bilal back,” Edhi advised Kubra at the time. “You must try to forgive the woman.” Kubra decided to transfer her to another Edhi center, but not to punish her. That Kubra and the rest of the family continued their work with the mentally disturbed and destitute is powerful testimony to their commitment.

Early the next morning, Edhi sets out with Faisal and Kazmi to conduct a surprise inspection of Edhi Village, a home for runaway and abandoned boys with a separate asylum for mentally ill and physically handicapped men. Halfway into the 45-minute drive south of Karachi, Edhi stops the ambulance at a one-room cinderblock building with a red roof, one of 35 emergency first-aid outposts he’s created along the 1100- kilometer (700-mi) highway from Karachi to Peshawar.

As he chats with the paramedic on call, a pair of policemen pull up to the center. Seeing Edhi, they greet him warmly and join in the conversation.

“Before we set up these emergency centers, the police were stretched too thin and many people died in accidents,” says Faisal. “Now, they rely on us to respond to 75 percent of road accidents.” Nationwide, the Edhi ambulance service receives more than 6000 calls a day.

At the entrance to Edhi Village, the driveway is lined with tamarisk trees covered with yellow blossoms, eucalyptus and palm trees, and beds of purple and white flowers. The courtyard is sprawling and grassy, surrounded by classrooms and dormitories. It contains a playground, a soccer field and volleyball and basketball courts, all of which are used for competitive games with visiting school teams. “Faisal organized the boys to do the landscaping,” Edhi says proudly. “It’s part of our self-help initiative.”

Despite the spartan facilities, “the patients live under far better conditions than in other mental hospitals in Pakistan,” maintains senior doctor Ghulam Mustafa.When Edhi purchased the Village’s 26-hectare (65-acre) parcel in 1985, it was barren land. Now there are kitchens, workshops, recreation rooms and housing for 250 children in one complex and 1500 mental patients in another.

In one of the classrooms, Edhi singles out an alert-looking 10-year-old pupil with a congenitally deformed hand. “When he was a newborn, this boy was abandoned in one of our cradles outside a center in Karachi,” Edhi explains. “Bilquis named him Shazab and took care of him in Mithadar until he was old enough to come here. Now he’s one of our smartest students.” When Edhi asks him what he’d like to do when he graduates, Shazab breaks into a shy smile. “I want to be in charge of Edhi Village,” he says.

Further down the open-air hallway are workshops with sewing machines and stacks of electrical equipment. In one of the rooms, a teacher is demonstrating how to repair a refrigerator motor. Edhi pauses to talk with a 13-year-old boy who explains that he’s an Afghan refugee whose parents were killed in the 2001 war. Police picked him up begging on a Karachi street and brought him to an Edhi center. He was later transferred to Edhi Village.

“The boys install all the electrical wiring in the Village and receive enough training to become electricians,” Edhi explains. “We also teach them how to sew so that they can get jobs as tailors or clothes makers when they leave.”

“Sometimes, parents take their children back home and the kids run away again to come back,” adds Kazmi. “The education they receive here is better than the education even middle-class students receive. Also, we provide them with clothes and plenty of food.”

In the walled sanatorium for the mentally handicapped, physically disabled and mentally ill next door, the scene is more sobering. Several hundred residents lie on scattered mattresses or sit on the cement floor in one bare, cavernous ward. Elsewhere, groups of men mill about outside under straggly bougainvillea trees. Despite the spartan facilities, “the patients live under far better conditions than in other mental hospitals in Pakistan,” maintains Ghulam Mustafa, the senior doctor of a staff of five doctors and eight nurses on rotation.

“We organize games and art activities, and the retarded patients do most of the work themselves, keeping the place neat and clean,” he says. “The better-off patients take care of the ones who are more dependent.”

Back in Karachi, Edhi stops by a men’s psychiatric center to meet with Mohammad Ayaz, a soft- spoken, 40-year-old psychiatrist whom Edhi hired after witnessing his success in rehabilitating mentally ill inmates of the city’s central jail. In the front reception room, former patients are busy answering telephone calls and dispatching ambulances.

“Many of our patients can be cured,” Ayaz explains, “but their relatives reject them, leaving them here to languish unnecessarily in long-term care.

“Our biggest problem is that we don’t have enough trained staff,” he continues. “Twelve doctors in rotation have to look after a total of 3500 patients in Edhi Village and six residential centers in Karachi.”

One of the men manning the phones stands up to introduce himself in American-accented English. A self-possessed character with a shock of swept-back black hair flecked with gray, 53-year-old Tariq Ayubi says he perfected his English in Miami, where he went to business school. Moving back to Karachi, he married, went into business and thrived. Gradually, however, he began drinking heavily, and he soon lost his job and his wife. Severely depressed and penniless, he sought refuge at the Edhi center. Volunteering for work here saved him, Ayubi says.

“The Edhi Foundation is the only social welfare organization in the country that works,” he declares.

“Only 10 percent of Pakistani women know how to read and write. That’s why we try so hard to give the girls who come to us a good education,” says Edhi. Afterwards, Edhi expertly maneuvers the ambulance through teeming streets to the women’s sanatorium in north Karachi. As he ambles down the immaculate marble hallways, residents cluster around him, calling out “Abu-ji!” (“Daddy!”). “This adulation makes me nervous,” he says. “I’m not some kind of saint.”

Seeing one woman sitting on concrete steps distractedly waving flies away from an open sore on her foot, Edhi bends close, asking her gently how long it has been infected. “Two days,” she replies, “but it’s much worse this afternoon.” He calls out for a nurse to attend to the sore. When no one comes, he stalks away impatiently. “Don’t worry,” he calls over his shoulder to the suffering woman. “I’ll be back with a bandage before you know it.”

Later on, after Edhi has disinfected and dressed the woman’s wound, he sits on a stone bench and listens to other residents tell him heartrending stories of cruel husbands and family betrayal. Driving back to the Mithadar center, he vents his long-running frustration with the plight of women in Pakistan.

“Society goes against the teachings of the Qur’an in mistreating women and not giving them equality,” he says with indignation. “Only 10 percent of Pakistani women know how to read and write. That’s why we try so hard to give the girls who come to us a good education. Once they get an education, they can start to take control of their lives.”

Back at Mithadar, a businessman in a crisp linen shirt and polished shoes is waiting for Edhi in his office. “Here’s one who has come around,” he says, gripping the man’s shoulders in a friendly embrace. Edhi explains that the waiting businessman has launched a partnership with the foundation to assist the poor in starting fabric shops, food stalls and other small businesses. “He’s helping them stand on their own rather than giving them handouts that only make them more dependent,” says Edhi.

“That’s the humanitarian revolution we need,” he continues with a weary smile. “But still so few understand. Let’s spread the word.”

Richard Covington Paris-based author Richard Covington(richard.covington@free.fr) writes about arts, culture and the media in Europe, the Middle East and Asia for the International Herald Tribune, the Los Angeles TimesSmithsonianReader’s Digest and other publications.
Shahidul Alam Shahidul Alam is founder of Drik Picture Library (www.drik.net), the Bangladesh Photo Institute, Pathshala (the South Asian Institute of Photography) as well as the biennial Chobi Mela Festival of Photography in Asia. He lives in Dhaka.

www.paks.net/edhi-foundation/
www.balzan.com

MAIN OFFICE
Boulton Market
Mithadar, Karachi 740000
E-mail: edhikarachi@yahoo.com

Edhi International Foundation USA
42-07 National Street
Corona NY 11368
Tel: (718) 639-5120

Edhi International Foundation UK
316 Edgeware Road
London W2 1DY
Tel: +44 (20) 7723-2050

 

This article appeared on pages 33-43 of the November/December 2004 print edition of Saudi Aramco World.

 

Check the Public Affairs Digital Image Archive for November/December 2004 images.

July 23, 2011

An Indian Hindu gives $50,000 to Pakistani Educational Charity

This was a wonderful gesture by an Indian.  We Pakistanis have no animosity towards the good people of India.  If these two countries can resolve their issues in a fair and equitable manner, the two peoples can be friends at all levels.

From www.dawn.com

The Pakistani diaspora in the US, as elsewhere, have by and large done a great job for their country of origin. It is not just the highest remittances sent by Pakistani expats in the just concluded financial year but also the enormous contributions made by them to different charities in Pakistan.

Let me mention the one non-profit that I have been following closely since 2002 when it was established. I am referring to TCF-USA, a professionally-managed body, which has the support of volunteers in different parts of the huge host country. It has raised substantial donations for The Citizens Foundation (TCF) in Pakistan – starting with a modest beginning in the first year of its inception to 2010, when eight schools for the economically underprivileged students in different parts of Pakistan were financed exclusively by TCF-USA. In all, 71 of the schools in the TCF network have been donated by US supporters; several Americans have also travelled to Pakistan at their own expense to provide training to teachers and conduct summer science camps for TCF students.  I was impressed to learn that several Pakistani Americans from New York and Boston arranged for the donation of two 40 feet containers of children’s books.

Danial Malik, the organisation’s CEO and one of the founding members of The Citizens Foundation Pakistan, is reluctant to predict or even make a guesstimate about this year’s donations because a substantial portion of 2010 donations were given to meet the challenges posed by the floods in Pakistan, hence it may not be possible to match the performance this year. Donations raised by TCF Pakistan and the support bodies in the US, Canada, the UK and the UAE were used to distribute over 20 million meals in the brief period of 30 days, rebuild the 68 TCF schools in the flood affected areas and equip them with filtration centres to provide safe drinking water to students and their families. Since then TCF-USA donors have provided funding to equip all the TCF schools throughout Pakistan with these clean water centres.

At the risk of repeating myself, I may add that as many as 731 TCF schools in slums in cities and poor rural areas are functioning regularly. Their numbers are constantly on the increase. The school buildings and their airy classrooms, not to speak of playgrounds, labs and libraries, would put to shame the cramped premises on which many so-called English medium private schools in Pakistan operate. The total number of children to benefit from TCF schools is well over a hundred thousand and 5,400 young and not-so-young female teachers are gainfully employed, not to speak of the support staff like the peons and the chowkidars, who too earn their living by working for TCF. The teachers in the far flung areas are provided with transport. I met a young teacher who goes in the school van from Thatta along with her colleagues to her school all the way in Keti Bunder in south Sindh.
.
In the context of floods, one may add that after the 2005 earthquake that devastated parts of northern Pakistan and Azad Kashmir, TCF responding to the urgent needs of the people rendered homeless by the calamity, built shelters and houses for a large number.

Incidentally, one of the major donors was an American Hindu of Indian origin who gave $50,000 to the TCF USA earthquake fund. This leads us to the fact that while TCF makes no distinction on the basis of religion or ethnicity in providing education to students of poor families, its benefactors are also drawn from different communities in the US. Apart from Pakistani Americans, the donors include mainstream and immigrant Americans of all faiths – Christians, Jews and Hindus.

Uneza Akhtar, the General Manager of TCF USA, informs me that only 8 to 10 per cent of the funds raised are spent on administration and fundraising. Much of the work is done by volunteers. Thus 90 to 92 per cent goes to promoting education in Pakistan. Uneza said that the volunteers are extremely dedicated; even a relatively small Pakistani American community such as Seattle has raised enough funds to build and operate four schools in Pakistan.

What amazes me most is that tax exempt status has been allotted to all TCF donors in the United States and, what is more, the concession came soon after 9/11. “That’s because we follow the guidelines set by the Treasury Department of the US government religiously. We also observe complete transparency in our handling of finances. We pay to have our books audited every year and our accounts are easily accessible on our website,” says Malik.

All one can say is well done Pakistani Americans who have built up TCF-USA from scratch. Also, full marks to non-Pakistani Americans, who contribute as much as 30 per cent to the funds raised by the non-profit. –asifnoorani2002@yahoo.com

July 10, 2011

Pakistanis, who will you vote for?

June 18, 2011

Good Politicians & Leaders for Pakistan

Aitzaz Ahsan (PPPP)

Chaudhry Aitzaz Ahsan was born on 27 September, 1945. He belongs to Pakistan Peoples Party – Parliamentarians. He is Ex-President of Supreme Court Bar Association and Ex-Federal Interior Minister. He is a founder and Vice-President of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. He is a Barrister-at-Law and a senior advocate at the Supreme Court of Pakistan. He successfully represented Chief Justice of Pakistan, Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry’s case in the Supreme Court of Pakistan.
He is also the writer of “The Indus Saga and the Making of Pakistan” and co-author of “Divided by Democracy”.
Shehzad Roy (Unaffiliated)

Roy has dedicated his life to the establishment of Zindagi Trust (founded in 2002), the non-for-profit charity helping the underprivileged children of Pakistan. He uses the proceeds from his concerts to fund the trust’s operations.

10.5 million children in Pakistan are currently employed in factories, cottage industries, or on the streets as vendors to support their families and are deprived of education. At the age of 25, in 2002, Roy pioneered the concept of I-am-paid-to-learn that provides child laborers with monetary compensation for attending Zindagi Trust educational units. The vocational and practical teaching methods along with incentives for children to attend make it a viable solution to Pakistan’s urban illiteracy. Roy has established 35 educational units with 3000 children being educated in the most impoverished regions of Pakistan.  Roy, hats off to you.  While the rest of us talk about it, you get it done.

Mustafa Kamal (MQM)
Mustafa Kamal is the District City Nazim (Mayor) of Karachi. Mr. Kamal is one of the well-known members, Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), which is the third largest political party in Pakistan.
He was born in 1971 in Karachi,Sindh. He studied in Karachi till Intermediate and left for Malaysia where he completed an Associate Diploma in Business Executive studies. He earned his MBA in Marketing from the University of Wales (UK). Before becoming the Mayor of Karachi, he served as a minister for Information Technology with the Sindh government. The International Standardization Organization (ISO) Geneva has granted ISO certification 9001 to City Government Karachi for providing best services to its citizens. Mustafa Kamal was praised by the Supreme Court of Pakistan for his efforts to make Karachi a mega city and to carry out relief operations.
Abdul Sattar Edhi (Unaffiliated)
Abdul Sattar Edhi, or Edhi, as he is often known, is one of the most active philanthropists in Pakistan. He is head of the Edhi Foundation in Pakistan. Edhi foundation branches are spread all over world. His wife Begum Bilquis Edhi, heads the Bilquis Edhi Foundation. They both received 1986 Ramon Magsaysay award for Public Service. He is also the recipient of the Lenin Peace Prize. Maulana Edhi, as he is often referred to, is of the Memon community. according to the Guinness World Records, Edhi Foundation has the largest private ambulance service network in the world.
Fouzia Saeed, Ph.D.
(born 1959 in Lahore, Pakistan) is a social activist, gender expert, trainer/facilitator, development manager, folk culture promoter, television commentator and author. She is the author of the well regarded ethnographic look at prostitution in Pakistan, (TABOO!: The Hidden Culture of a Red Light District (Oxford University Press, Karachi, 2001).
Saeed is well known in the activist circles of Pakistan’s social movement,having worked for decades on women’s issues especially those linked to violence against women, prostitution,women in the entertainment business, women’s mobility and sexual harassment. Her work on violence against women spans over 20 years and includes founding Bedari, the first women’s crisis center in Pakistan in 1991. For the past several years, she has been working to reduce the level of sexual harassment and debt bondage in the country and has most recently focused her attention on the ways terrorists establish themselves in fragile communities. She organized a large gathering of citizens at the National Library on 23 June 2009 to map out a strategy for countering talibanization in Pakistan and has supported a constitutional amendment establishment local government as a third tier of the state administration.
Mahmood Khan (Atsakzai) Achakzai is a political leader from Quetta, Balochistan. Mahmood Khan Achakzai is president of Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party,an ethnic nationalist party of Pakistan. Mahmood Khan Achakzai is the son of Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai, who is another Pushtun ethnic nationalist of Pakistan.
Mahmood Achakzai has been elected member of National Assembly (MNA) several times from his home constutiency Qilla Abdullah and also from Quetta, Balochistan. Mahmood Khan Achakzai is presently once again the Member of National Assembly from Qilla Abdullah
June 12, 2011

Shahid Khaqan Abbasi – 2/3rd of Pakistani Parliamentarians don’t pay their own taxes

Two-thirds of the 342 members of the lower house do not pay their taxes, though many of them use expensive luxury cars, according to Shahid Khaqan Abbasi of the opposition Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N), who wondered how their preaching could be meaningful “unless we ourselves set an example” (of honesty).

June 11, 2011

We the Pakistani people DEMAND…

We the people of Pakistan demand the following from our various power centres in the civil and military establishment:

  • Minimal credible defense against external threats
  • Maximum security from internal threats of terrorism, crime & violence
  • Jobs & Prosperity for the common man
  • Improved revenue collection of the rich and the filthy rich, start with Zardari,  Sharif and generals and most of the parliamentarians!
  • Universal Education for our greatest assets: our children
  • Army be brought under the control and jurisdiction of the civilian government just like every other professional army in the world.
  • Dissolve or control the rogue elements of the ISI; We don’t need 10,000 agents, employ 10,000 good teachers instead.
  • Remove terrorist organizations from Pakistani soil
  • Disassociate the state from any organization that engages in terrorists acts
  • Cease taking aid from other countries by improving our own economy
  • Cut costs & Pay back our national debt
  • Liquidate mansions ‘belonging’ to generals, ministers et al and give funds to the families of soldiers killed or wounded in action
  • Return funds looted from the treasury by our ‘leaders’
  • Disengage from the ill-conceived strategic depth theory
  • Help stabilize Afghanistan so that the Afghan refugees in Pakistan can return to their homeland
  • Reverse and roll back the ill-conceived policies of General Zia in all spheres of Pakistani society
  • Protect minorities along with the majority
  • Improve the quality of drinking water
  • Provide dependable electricity to our homes and businesses
  • Reroute aid from Saudi and UAE to public projects instead of madrassahs
  • Provide an alternative to Madrassahs for the country’s poor
  • Never engage in improper behavior in the people’s name (like in East Pakistan)
  • Don’t worry about India, worry about internal security; what is nuclear deterrence for?
  • Keep the army out of foreign policy affairs; That is not army’s role
  • Return Pakistan to highest per capita income in South Asia
  • Promote an entente between Saudi Arabia and Iran; Do not take sides
  • Eradicate so called “Islamic” terrorists;  Support Kashmir on the more than sufficient moral and legal grounds.
  • Keep the army out of Cricket administration; surely this is not a military function
  • Army stop using India as a bogey to maintaining unjustified authority over national affairs
  • Serve and Protect the people OR we will vote you out
  • Behave like public servants
  • The best defense in the modern era is national prosperity
June 10, 2011

COAS makes all the right noises but we want action and an army exit from civilian affairs.

Army chief General Ashfaq Kayani chairing a Corps Commanders’ Conference in Rawalpindi.—AFP

Kayani recommends govt to divert US military aid

* COAS says economic rather than military aid more essential

* Any effort to split important institutions not in national interest

* NWA tribes must evict foreign rebels

* Future operations will be with political consensus

* It was wrong to allow others to use our land for fighting their battles

* Drone attacks not acceptable under any circumstances

 

June 1, 2011

Dissolve ISI ; Make Pakistani army accountable

Saleem Shazad (Shaheed)

Having seen the picture of this nice man and courageous journalist and son of Pakistan, I had an epiphinal moment.  I have finally understood what our intellectuals have been trying to tell us Pakistanis.  We support and love our soldiers in the back of trucks, in the trenches, in direct line of enemy’s gunfire NOT the generals in the safety of well-guarded mansions in Defense Housing Colonies.  We all grew up to stories of bomb-strapped soldiers lunging at Indian tanks on the outskirts of Lahore or the pilots flying in the face of daunting odds.  I still appreciate the sacrifice of those brave fauji (peace be upon them).  But behind their heroism is the complete failure of ISI to detect an entire Indian brigade because it was too busy spying on its own political parties.  Nor was the 1965 operation adequately communicated to the people we intended to liberate.  The soldiers carrying RPG’s paid the ultimate price to numerically superior Indian firepower.  Our geniuses at GHQ never thought that if Pakistan went across the LOC that India might cross the international border.  Strategic depth is another outdated strategy in the post-nuclearization era.  What is the purpose of nuclear weapons?  The savage indoctrination of treating East Pakistanis as recent converts was another shameful event for the geniuses at GHQ.  The war on terror has killed 3000+ soldiers and maimed 5000+ but to the ISI and its various factions and rogues, these sons are canon fodder to be played like pawns.

The patriotism of ordinary pakistanis, the failures of our politicians and the threatening postures of our enemies is being used by military elite for far too long.  The generals and colonels live in opulent luxury while the widows of front-line troops live on paltry existence.  The army needs an overhaul and so does the ISI.

Pakistan’s military can no longer stand above every institution in Pakistan.  The army in almost every country in the world, the army is accountable to the government and people.  Pakistan army should be no different.

It is clear, the ISI needs to be disbanded.  The ISI is a brainless entity.   It has no strategy, no morals by even spy agency standards.  It is factionalized and has never done a good job.  It is undisciplined, unprofessional and it tortures and kills its own citizens.  It is sloppy.   It’s brilliance lays only in its shear stupidity.  How can we complain about routine abductions, torture and murder of Kashmiris in India when the ISI employs the same practice on her own people.

We Pakistanis rose up to oust Musharraf before the Arab Spring but we did not get rid of the system.  It is time to rise up and DEMAND and organizational restructure of our forces. We should always support our troops but the time to reassess the grip of an opaque powerful organization has come.

  • It is time the Army generals give up their mansions.
  • Give up “industries” to the private sector
  • Give up their positions in non-military government positions.
  • Behave like an army not a land mafia
  • Improve transparency just like every other army in the world
  • Take position on issues in alignment with the people of Pakistan
  • The Army should not have the right to wage war without taking the people into confidence i.e. Kargil
  • We pakistanis are even willing to give our last roti to our soldiers but not the mansion dwellers
  • Show more strategic thinking and intelligence

This does not mean that the army does not have an important role in this terribly difficult neighborhood against encroaching neighbors and imposing superpowers, it does.  However, it cannot no longer be dismissive of the Pakistani people.  The WikiLeaks have certainly made THAT very clear.

Our army has power like no other country.  No civilian oversight is required in making or renewing high-level appointments, including experts observe, the extension of ISI Chief Lt. Gen. Shuja Pasha’s tenure in March.  The Army oversees the country’s defense and foreign policy and maintains a major stake in industries, agriculture, and land holdings. It even has its own brand of breakfast cereal.  Then there is the matter of its budget, which citizens are starting to question. Officially, the Army receives some 22 percent of the budget, though analysts estimate the actual figure to be significantly higher.

It is my hope that the memory of Shaheed Saleem Shazad helps give rise to such a revolution.

Regarding Strategic Depth, Kamran Shafi had this to say:

All of us have to understand that instead of looking beyond our borders, a literate, healthy and happy populace that lives in peace and tranquillity is the best strategic depth any country can possibly have. This, of course, cannot be, given the state of the country as it is today with completely skewed national imperatives, and a state whose writ is eroding by the day.

IA Rehman of DAWN has this to say regarding accountability.

True, the military must be largely responsible for carrying out security plans but it cannot be trusted with the task of fixing security objectives and priorities. That responsibility must be shouldered by elected governments under the closest possible supervision of parliament. Of course, the military has a right to express its views while policies are framed, and this never in public, but it cannot have veto rights. Any society in any part of the world that has violated this principle has come to grief.

A major issue, therefore, is the need to strengthen accountability mechanisms in security-related areas. What may be claimed to be in place at the moment might not meet the test even for internal audit. Bringing military planning under government control and all military expenditures under the purview of the auditor general and the Public Accounts Committee should help revive public confidence at least in the procedure if not the outcome.

There is no need to hide people’s reservations about the perks the military leaders enjoy and appear keen to flaunt in public. A large number of people have begun to share Gen Atiq-ur-Rahman’s anxiety and disgust at the top military officers’ love of ostentation and their casual approach to spending public money (see his memoirs, Back to the Pavilion). The people expect the defenders of their territory to be austere and self-abnegating, at least a shade more than the accursed politicians.

It is also necessary to review the security doctrine embedded in Gen Zia’s or President Leghari’s design for a National Security Council which gave the armed forces a decisive say in all fields of governance — from social welfare to foreign policy. Pakistan will become stronger and its security will be better guaranteed if parliament and civil society are allowed to debate and contribute to the security planning processes.

This obviously means that the Foreign Office and the people cannot be excluded from the process of reviewing or recasting Pakistan’s relations with the US. Or with India, China, Iran or any other state for that matter. What Pakistan needs today is not only a thorough probe into the circumstances leading to Abbottabad and Mehran but fresh thinking to avoid being a “disappointment to its people and a danger to the world” as a British magazine has put it.

Irfan Hussain

Most countries have intelligence agencies that often operate in the shadows, use deception, even break the law. But although they perform many shady tasks, they usually do so at the behest of their political leaders. At the end of the day, they are accountable to their paymasters. Not so the ISI.

Over the years, the ISI has built a fearsome reputation for ruthlessness among political opponents, as well as for deadly efficiency. The latter was dented beyond repair last month when Osama Bin Laden was found to be living under its nose in Abbottabad for years. And it now under suspicion by large sections of the public of having a hand in the murder of Saleem Shahzad, the courageous, well-informed investigative reporter.

Over my years of observing and writing about national affairs, I have never seen the level of anger towards the military and the intelligence that is presently evident in the media and on the Internet. Indeed, since the US raid that rid the world of Osama Bin Laden, my inbox has been full of blogs and emails railing against Pakistan’s defence establishment. Normally, this is Pakistan’s holiest of sacred cows. However, in a recent broadcast, I saw Kamran Khan, the popular TV host otherwise seen as sympathetic to the military establishment, hold forth about the recent terrorist attack at the Mehran naval base in Karachi.

After describing the event, he went on to remind the military of the sacrifices Pakistan had made to keep senior officers comfortable, detailing the plots they received, as well as their value. He also showed viewers a shot of the bullet-proof BMW Series 7 limousine at the navy chief’s disposal. According to him, the car is worth Rs500m to Rs600m. Similar models have been handed out to all corps commanders.

Although Pakistanis and their elected representatives have never been given any details, at least we know that the military budget for 2011-2012 will be around Rs500bn, an increase of some 11 per cent over last year. We have absolutely no idea about how much the ISI or Military Intelligence (MI) spend, and nor do our MNAs seem very concerned. This total lack of accountability has led to the perception that these agencies can run rogue operations of the kind the ISI has been accused of at the Chicago trial of Tahawwur Rana. Here, the chief (and not wholly reliable) witness, David Headley, has charged that he was instructed by a ‘Major Iqbal’ of the ISI. Even though the agency’s top leaders have not been accused of complicity, it appears that the Lashkar-i-Taiba was not alone in planning and executing the 2008 attacks on Mumbai. Over the last few years, hundreds of suspected Baloch nationalists have been picked up, tortured and killed, allegedly by intelligence agencies.

Indeed, the modus operandi of these crimes is disturbingly similar to Saleem Shahzad’s murder.

Time and again, human rights activists and organisations have accused the state of being behind these ‘black ops’. Scores, perhaps hundreds, remain imprisoned in safe houses across the country. Some of those who, like journalist Umar Cheema, were fortunate enough to survive have recounted dark stories of torture. Others are too frightened to speak out.

Of late, there has been a string of incidents that have put the military establishment in a poor light. Increasingly, the army appears to be losing the public support it once took for granted. And while it retains the services and loyalty of a section of the media, even these journalists can’t afford to be too far out of step with the public mood without losing all credibility.

While Osama Bin Laden’s presence and death could be explained away by a few judiciously planted conspiracy theories, the Mehran attack was simply too brazen to blame on some mysterious hidden hand. However, Rehman Malik, our comical interior minister, did have a try when he said the attackers were dressed in black like characters from Star Wars, implying their attack was too sophisticated for our forces to resist.

Perhaps the most ferocious attack on the army came from Asma Jahangir, the gutsy lawyer and human rights activist. In a TV chat show, she demanded that the generals (whom she called duffers) return to the barracks. Referring to the plots they had grabbed, she went on to accuse them of being a ‘qabza group’ that had been exploiting Pakistan for years.

It is high time that Gen Kayani and his colleagues understand that business as usual — sab theek hai! — is no longer an option.

Years of terrorist attacks against civilian and military targets have taken their toll on pubic confidence. And the knowledge that the groups behind this terror campaign were originally created by the military establishment has not added to our sense of security.

For decades, economic, social and political development has been sacrificed at the altar of national security as defined by the army. And yet we are in greater danger than ever before. Hardly a day passes without news of some attack in one part of the country or another. These incessant hammer blows are sapping the resolve and morale of the people. To make things worse, the army has no plan and no strategy to face and defeat the menace of extremist terror.

It is pointless blaming the civilian government because we all know that it has no control over the military. In matters relating to security, GHQ rules unchallenged. So it is natural that when security lapses and terrorist attacks occur — as they do all too often — it is the army that will get blamed.  Against this backdrop of flagging confidence, the military needs to reach out and reassure the people who pay for its BMWs.

Here is what cafe pyala had to say

The question that really needs to be answered is how it was possible for the most wanted man in the world to be living literally under the nose of Pakistan’s men in khaki, whose leader had declared almost at the same spot only a week ago that his men had broken the back of terrorism and that Pakistani “dignity” would not be compromised for the sake of “prosperity.” The question that really needs to be answered is why we – the people of Pakistan – should take anything he says with any seriousness if, in fact, he and his boys are really that incompetent. And why the Pakistani people should continue to give up their prosperity to fund such incompetence. The question that really needs to be answered, if the boys in khaki are not to be taken as the most incompetent people on the face of the earth, is what they were hoping to gain from such brazen duplicity. Because that really is the only choice available in their defence: nincompoop-ness vs two-facedness. Thanks to whatever their defence may be, Pakistan has a choice of being considered either a failed or a rogue state.

Cyril Almeida:

A combination of denial and exaggeration, that self-constructed narrative — subtly and not-so-subtly foisted on the public via the media and other channels of manipulation — acts as a buffer against any meaningful inspection of the army’s track record.

And without that scrutiny of the army’s track record, the argument for civilian control of the military is always stillborn, the scummy and self-interested politicians looking distinctly second-best to the noble and sacrificing military.

Even when things go pear-shaped as they did during the army’s mensis horribilis last May, the self-constructed narrative is trotted out soon enough, a self-exonerating version of reality spun around seismic events.

The ploy works in two parts: first, prevent any possibility of the facts emerging and then play up the army’s role in protecting the homeland against enemies seen and unseen.

The OBL debacle? Already we know we will never know how Osama bin Laden was able to hide for years in plain sight or what exactly happened the night of May 1-2. Having shovelled the facts into a pit and placed a do-nothing commission atop it to guard its contents, the army can now roll out the ‘enemies abound/you need us’ line.

PNS Mehran? Internal inquiries guarantee the public will never hear the truth. And since planes reduced to ashes were ‘India-specific’, the army doesn’t even have to try very hard on the ‘enemies abound/you need us’ line.

Saleem Shahzad? The ISI has spoken anonymously. Saleem’s killers will never be tried or publicly exposed. And the ISI will not stand for its reputation being maligned.

The one-two combination of suppressing the facts and drumming up the army’s role as defender of the nation almost guarantees that once more the army’s stock will bounce back. With no counter-narrative to the army’s self-serving narrative available, what could have been the beginning of a structural shift will eventually be remembered as a cyclical low.

Counter-narratives — or, to put it more bluntly, the truth — are hard to come by when the facts are suppressed. Remember Kargil? Or the ’71 war? Or even the ’65 war? By either not allowing debacles to be studied or suppressing the results of inquiries, the army has been able to protect its reputation as a competent fighting force.

So perhaps if the army is ever to be brought under civilian control, what we need first is for the army’s self-constructed narrative to be chipped away at.

 
ہونا یہ اچھا پاکستان کا انسان اور بہادر صحافی اور بیٹے کی تصویر دیکھی ، میں نے ایک epiphinal پل تھا. میں آخر میں سمجھ گیا کہ ہمارے دانشوروں کی گئی ہے پاکستانی ہمیں بتانے کی کوشش کر دیا ہے.ہم سے متعلق اعانت اور محبت ہمارے فوجی ٹرکوں کے پیچھے ، خندقوں میں ، دشمن کی فائرنگ سے براہ راست لائن میں دفاع ہاؤسنگ کالونیوں میں بھی محفوظ – منازل کی حفاظت میں جرنیلوں کے نہیں. ہم سب کو بم مالی تنگی لاہور یا مشکل مشکلات کا سامنا کرتے ہوئے پرواز پائلٹ کے مضافات پر بھارتی ٹینکوں پر lunging فوجیوں کی کہانیوں کے لئے پلے بڑھے. میں اب بھی ان لوگوں کو بہادر فوجی کی قربانی کی تعریف صلی ان پر ہو). لیکن ان کی بہادری کے پیچھے آئی ایس آئی کی مکمل ناکامی کی ایک پوری بھارتی بریگیڈ کیونکہ یہ بہت مصروف تھا اپنی سیاسی جماعتوں پر جاسوسی کا پتہ لگانے کے ہے. اور نہ ہی 1965 کی مناسب طریقے سے لوگوں کو ہم کو آزاد کرانے کا ارادہ کی امت پر آپریشن کیا گیا. ہے آرپیجی اٹھائے ہوئے فوجیوں numerically اعلی بھارتی طاقت کو حتمی قیمت ادا کی. جی ایچ کیو میں ہماری مائباشالی کبھی نہیں سوچا تھا کہ اگر پاکستان نے لائن آف کنٹرول کے پار چلے گئے کہ بھارت کو بین الاقوامی سرحد پار کر سکتے ہیں. سٹریٹجک گہرائی کے بعد nuclearization زمانے میں ایک پرانی حکمت عملی ہے. کیا جوہری ہتھیار کا مقصد کیا ہے؟ حال ہی میں تبدیل کر کے طور پر مشرقی پاکستان کے علاج کا جنگلی indoctrination جی ایچ کیو میں مائباشالی کے لئے ایک شرمناک واقعہ تھا. دہشت گردی کے خلاف جنگ میں 3000 فوجی + اور maimed کو مار ڈالا ہے 5000 + لیکن آئی ایس آئی اور اس کے مختلف دھڑوں اور rogues کرنے ، ان کے بیٹے کینن پیادوں کی طرح کردار ادا کرنا ہو چارہ ہیں.

عام پاکستانیوں کی حب الوطنی ، ہمارے سیاستدانوں کی ناکامی اور ہمارے دشمنوں کی دھمکی حالت خوف سے نکل جا رہا ہے اب تک بہت دیر کے لئے فوجی اشرافیہ کی طرف سے کیا کرتے تھے. جرنیلوں اور کرنل بوی خوش گوار عیش کرتے ہوئے فرنٹ لائن فوجیوں کی بیوائیں معمولی وجود پر رہنے میں رہتے ہیں.فوج نے ایک ہال کی ضرورت ہے اور تو آئی ایس آئی ہے.

پاکستانی فوج پاکستان میں ہر ادارے کے اوپر نہیں کھڑا کر سکتے ہیں. تقریبا دنیا کے ہر ملک میں فوج ، فوج نے حکومت اور قوم کی ذمہ دار ہے. پاکستانی فوج کے مختلف نہیں ہونا چاہئے.

یہ واضح ہے ، آئی ایس آئی کے تحلیل کرنے کی ضرورت ہے. آئی ایس آئی کے ایک brainless وجود ہے. یہ کوئی حکمت عملی ، بھی جاسوسی ایجنسی کے معیار کے مطابق نہیں اخلاق ہے. یہ factionalized ہے اور ایک اچھا کام نہیں کیا ہے. یہ تخشاسنہین ، اویوساییک ہے اور یہ اتیاچار اور اپنے ہی شہریوں کو مار دیتی ہے. یہ میلا ہے. ہے یہ پرتیبھا اس قینچ حماقت میں ہی دیتا ہے. کے بارے میں معمول کے اغواء کی ہم کس طرح ، اور بھارت میں کشمیریوں کے قتل پر تشدد کی شکایت جب آئی ایس آئی اس کے اپنے ہی لوگوں پر ہی مشق ملازمین کر سکتے ہیں.

ہم پاکستانیوں کی گلاب عرب موسم بہار سے پہلے صدر مشرف سے oust ، لیکن ہم اس نظام کو نہیں ملا سے چھٹکارا. اس کو سربلند کرنے اور مطالبہ اور تنظیمی ہماری فوج کی تنظیم نو کا وقت ہے. ہم اپنے فوجیوں کو ہمیشہ لیکن ایک معتم طاقتور تنظیم کی گرفت دوبارہ یہ جائزہ لینے کا وقت آ گیا ہے کی حمایت کرنا چاہئے.

اس وقت فوج کے جرنیلوں کو ان کے منازل دینا ہے.
نے نجی شعبے کو “صنعت” دے دو
اپ غیر فوجی حکومت کی پوزیشن میں ان کی پوزیشن دو.
فوج کے ایک ایک زمین مافیا کو پسند نہیں کرتے برتاؤ
کو بہتر بنانے کے شفاف صرف دنیا کے ہر دوسرے فوجی کی طرح
پاکستان کے عوام کے ساتھ صف بندی میں مسائل پر پوزیشن لیں
فوج کے اعتماد یعنی کرگل میں لوگوں کو بغیر جنگ کرنے کا حق نہیں ہونا چاہئے
ہم نے پاکستانیوں سے بھی ہمارے فوجیوں کو ہماری آخری روٹی دینے کے لئے تیار ہیں لیکن نہیں حویلی والوں
مزید حکمت عملی سوچ اور انٹیلی جنس کے دکھائیں
یہ اس کا مطلب یہ نہیں ہے کہ فوج کے پڑوسیوں encroaching اور سپر پاور لگانے کے خلاف ایک یہ بہت مشکل کے پڑوس میں اہم کردار نہیں ہے کرتا ہے ، کرتا ہے. تاہم ، یہ نہیں کہ پاکستانی قوم کا انکار نہیں کیا جا سکتا ہے. WikiLeaks ضرور بنا دیا ہے جو بہت واضح ہے.

ہماری فوج کا کوئی بھی دوسرے ملک کی طرح قادر ہے. کوئی سویلین نگرانی کرنے یا اعلی سطحی ملاقاتوں تجدید کرنا واجب ہے ، بشمول ماہرین کو قائم ، مارچ میں آئی ایس آئی کے سربراہ لیفٹیننٹ جنرل شجاع پاشا کے دور کی توسیع. فوج نے ملک کے دفاع اور خارجہ پالیسی کے دیکھ بھال اور صنعت ، زراعت ، اور زمین جوت میں ایک بڑا حصہ برقرار رکھتا ہے. یہ بھی اس کا ناشتا سیریل ہی برانڈ ہے. پھر اس کے بجٹ میں ، جس میں شہریوں کے سوال شروع کر رہے ہیں کا معاملہ ہے. سرکاری طور پر فوج کے بجٹ میں سے کچھ 22 فیصد ملتا ہے ، تاہم تجزیہ کاروں کا اندازہ ہے کہ اصل تعداد کافی زیادہ ہو.

یہ میری امید ہے کہ شہید سلیم Shazad کی ​​یاد اس طرح ایک انقلاب کو جنم دے میں مدد ملتی ہے.

سٹریٹجک گہرائی کا تعلق ہے ، کامران شفیع کو کہتے ہیں یہ تھا :

ہم سب کو سمجھنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ بجائے ہماری سرحدوں کو ، ایک تعلیم ، صحت مند اور خوش عوام ہے کہ امن اور سکون میں زندگی کے بہترین سٹریٹجک گہرائی کسی بھی ملک کا شاید ہو سکتا ہے آگے دیکھنے کا. یہ ظاہر ہے ، جائے کہ ملک کے ریاستی دیا ، نہیں کیونکہ یہ پوری طرح سے غیرمتوازن قومی ضروریات کے ساتھ آج ہے ، اور کر سکتے ہیں ایک ریاست جس کی رٹ کے دن کی طرف سے eroding ہے.

آئی اے صبح کا رحمن نے اس ذمہ داری کے بارے میں کیا کہنا ہے.

یہ سچ ہے کہ فوج کے باہر سیکورٹی کے منصوبوں لے کے لئے بنیادی طور پر ذمہ دار ہو سکتا ہے لیکن اس کی حفاظت کے مقاصد اور ترجیحات کا تعین کرنے کے کام کے ساتھ نہیں کیا جا سکتا ہے پر اعتماد کرنا ہوگا. اس کی ذمہ داری منتخب حکومتوں کی طرف سے پارلیمنٹ کے قریبی ممکن نگرانی میں کمدوں ہونا لازمی ہے. ظاہر ہے ، فوج کے ایک سے اپنے خیالات کرتے ہوئے پالیسیاں تیار کی ہیں ظاہر کرنے کا حق ہے ، اور کبھی میں عوامی یہ ہے ، لیکن اسے ویٹو حقوق نہیں کر سکتے ہیں. دنیا کو بتائیں کہ اس اصول کی خلاف ورزی کی ہے کے کسی حصے میں کوئی بھی معاشرہ غم میں آئی ہے.

ایک اہم مسئلہ ، اس لئے کہ وہ سیکورٹی سے متعلقہ علاقوں میں جوابدہی کے نظام کو مضبوط بنانے کی ضرورت ہے. کیا دعوی کیا جا سکتا ہے کہ فی الحال جگہ بھی اندرونی اڈیٹ کی ٹیسٹ سے نہیں مل سکتا ہے میں ہونا. حکومت کے کنٹرول میں فوجی منصوبہ بندی اور آڈیٹر جنرل اور پبلک اکاؤنٹس کمیٹی کے دائرے میں تمام فوجی اخراجات میں لانا مدد کے عمل میں کم از کم عوامی اعتماد نہیں تو اس کا نتیجہ پھر سے زندہ کرنا چاہئے.

کوئی سہولیات کے فوجی رہنماؤں کا لطف اور عوام میں شان دکھانا چاہتے نظر کے بارے میں لوگوں کے تحفظات کو چھپانے کی کیا ضرورت ہے. لوگوں کی ایک بڑی تعداد ostentation کے اعلی ترین فوجی افسران کی محبت اور ان کی غیر متوقع طور پر سرکاری رقم خرچ کرنے کے نقطہ نظر میں جنرل عتیق الرحمن ، عبدالرحمان کی فکر و عناد کے حصہ شروع کر (اس کی یادداشتوں کو دیکھنے کے پویلین کی طرف واپس) ہے. قوم نے ان کے علاقے کے محافظ سادہ اور خود abnegating – ہونے کی امید ، کم از کم ایک سایہ زیادہ مردود سیاستدانوں سے.

یہ بھی ضروری ہے کی حفاظت ایک قومی سلامتی کونسل کے لئے جنرل ضیاء الحق ہے یا صدر لغاری ڈیزائین کی جس میں مسلح افواج ایک فیصلہ کن گورننس کے تمام علاقوں میں کہیں دی میں سرایت اصول کا جائزہ لینے کے لئے — سماجی بہبود کی جانب سے خارجہ پالیسی کے لئے. پاکستان مضبوط ہو اور اس کی سیکورٹی بہتر ہو گا اگر پارلیمنٹ اور سول سوسائٹی اور سیکورٹی کی منصوبہ بندی کے عمل میں شراکت کے لئے بحث کی اجازت ہو گی بات کی ضمانت گا.

یہ ظاہر ہے مطلب یہ ہے کہ دفتر خارجہ اور لوگوں کا جائزہ لینے یا امریکہ کے ساتھ پاکستان کے تعلقات recasting کے عمل سے نہیں کیا جا سکتا خارج کر دیا گیا. یا بھارت ، چین ، ایران یا اس بات کے لئے کسی دوسرے ملک کے ساتھ. کیا پاکستان آج ضرورت ایبٹ آباد اور مہران پر تازہ سوچ کو امام “اس قوم کے لئے مایوسی اور دنیا کے لئے ایک خطرہ ہے” کے طور پر ایک برطانوی میگزین نے اسے ڈال دیا جا رہا ہے سے بچنے کے لئے حالات میں صرف ایک مکمل تحقیقات نہیں ہے.

عرفان حسین

زیادہ تر ممالک میں انٹیلی جنس ایجنسیوں کے کہ اکثر کے سائے ، استعمال دھوکہ میں کام کرتے ، بھی قانون توڑنے کا ہے. لیکن بدل دیتے حالانکہ وہ کئی مشتبہ کاموں کو سرانجام ، وہ عام طور پر ان کے سیاسی رہنماؤں کے کہنے پر ایسا کرتے ہیں. دن کے اختتام پر ، انہوں نے اپنے paymasters کے لئے جوابدہ ہیں. نہیں آئی ایس آئی تو.

گزشتہ کئی سالوں سے آئی ایس آئی کے سیاسی مخالفین کے درمیان بیرہمی کے لیے ایک ڈراونا وقار ، اسی طرح مہلک مہارت کے لیے بنایا گیا ہے. تمسخر کرنے والوں نے گزشتہ ماہ کی مرمت کے بعد dented تھا جب اسامہ بن لادن سال کے لئے ایبٹ آباد میں اس کی ناک کے نیچے رہ رہے ہو پایا تھا. اور یہ اب سلیم شہزاد ، بہادر ، بھی بتایا – تحقیقاتی صحافی کے قتل میں ان کا ہاتھ ہونے کے عوام کے بڑے بڑے حصوں کی طرف سے شبہ کے تحت.

مشاہدہ اور قومی امور کے بارے میں تحریر کی وجہ سے میری برسوں کے دوران ، میں نے فوج اور انٹیلی جنس ہے کہ میڈیا میں اور انٹرنیٹ پر اس وقت واضح ہے کی طرف غصے کی سطح پر کبھی نہیں دیکھا ہے. بیشک ، امریکی حملے کے بعد کہ اسامہ بن لادن کی دنیا سے چھٹکارا ، میری ہے بلاگز اور پاکستان کی دفاعی اسٹیبلشمنٹ کے خلاف ریلنگ ای میلز میں سے مکمل کیا گیا ہے ان باکس. عام طور پر یہ پاکستان کی مقدس گائے کے مقدس ترین بات یہ ہے. تاہم ، حال ہی میں نشر کیا میں ، میں کامران خان ، مقبول ٹی وی دوسری صورت میں اس نے ملٹری اسٹیبلشمنٹ کی ہمدردی کے طور پر دیکھا ، کراچی میں مہران بحری اڈے پر حالیہ دہشت گرد حملے کے بارے میں غور کرنا میزبان کو دیکھا.

اس ایونٹ کو بیان کرنے کے بعد ، وہ چلا گیا قربانیوں پاکستان ایران کے حکام نے آرام دہ اور پرسکون رکھنے کے لئے دیا تھا کے فوجی کو یاد دلانے پر ، کے مکر و فریب وہ دی گئی تھی ، اسی طرح ان کی قیمت کی تفصیلات. انہوں نے یہ بھی ناظرین کو بحریہ کے سربراہ کو ضائع کرنے پر بلٹ پروف بی ایم ڈبلیو سیریز 7 فرمان سے لموسن کے ایک شاٹ دکھایا. ان کے مطابق کار کی قیمت Rs600m کو Rs500m ہے. اسی طرح کے ماڈل ہے تمام کور کمانڈروں کے لئے کیا گیا ہے ہاتھ.

اگرچہ پاکستانی اور ان کے منتخب نمائندوں کو کوئی تفصیلات ہیں پہلے کبھی نہیں دی ، کم از کم ہم جانتے ہیں کہ 2011-2012 کے لئے فوجی بجٹ Rs500bn ، گزشتہ سال کے مقابلے میں 11 فی صد سے کچھ اضافہ کے ارد گرد کیا جائے گا. ہم بالکل نہیں کے بارے میں خیال ہے کتنا آئی ایس آئی یا فوج (ایم آئی) ، خرچ کرتے ہیں اور نہ ہی ہمارے ارکان قومی اسمبلی بہت فکر مند نظر انٹیلی جنس. احتساب کا یہ کل کی کمی نے اس خیال کی وجہ سے ہے کہ ان ایجنسیوں کی طرح آئی ایس آئی ہے Tahawwur رانا کی شکاگو مقدمے میں کیا گیا ہے کے الزام کے دج آپریشن چلایا جا سکتا ہے. یہاں ، کے سربراہ ہیں (نہ کہ مکمل طور پر قابل اعتماد) گواہ ، ڈیوڈ ہیڈلی ، الزام لگایا ہے کہ وہ ایک ‘میجر اقبال’ آئی ایس آئی کی طرف سے ہدایت کی تھی ، کیا ہے. تاہم ایجنسی کے اعلی رہنماؤں نے complicity کی نہیں کیا گیا ہے الزام لگایا ، یہ ظاہر ہوتا ہے کہ لشکر Taiba – ہی منصوبہ بندی اور ممبئی پر 2008 کے حملوں کے اجراء میں نہیں تھا. گزشتہ چند سالوں میں مشتبہ بلوچ قوم کے سینکڑوں دیا گیا ہے اٹھایا ، تشدد اور قتل میں مبینہ طور انٹیلی جنس ایجنسیوں کی طرف سے ،.

بیشک ان ​​کے گناہوں کے طریقہ operandi disturbingly سلیم ہے شہزاد کے قتل کی طرح ہے.

وقت اور پھر سے ، انسانی حقوق کے کارکن اور تنظیموں نے ان ‘کالے آپریشنز’ کے پیچھے ہونے کی حالت پر الزام لگایا ہے. اسکور ، شاید سینکڑوں ، ملک بھر میں محفوظ گھروں میں قید رہیں. ان لوگوں میں سے کچھ لوگ ، صحافی عمر چیمہ کی طرح ، کافی خوش نصیب کو زندہ تھے کے تشدد سیاہ کہانیاں recounted ہے. دیگر نے بھی کھل کر بات کرنے خوفزدہ کر رہے ہیں.

دیر سے ، وہاں کے واقعات ہیں کہ ایک غریب کی روشنی میں کی فوجی اسٹیبلشمنٹ کو ڈال دیا ہے کی ایک تار دیا گیا ہے. بڑھتی ہوئی ، فوج کو عوامی حمایت حاصل اسے ایک بار مل کے لئے لیا کھونے کے لئے ظاہر ہوتا ہے. اور جبکہ اس کی خدمات اور میڈیا کے ایک حصے کی وفاداری کو برقرار رکھتی ہے ، یہاں تک کہ ان صحافیوں کو تمام ساکھ کھونے کے بغیر بہت دور نکل عوام کے موڈ کے ساتھ قدم سے ہو متحمل نہیں ہو سکتا.

جہاں اسامہ بن لادن کی موجودگی اور موت سے چند ایک کے judiciously لگائے سازش نظریات کی طرف سے بیان کیا جا سکتا ہے ، مہران پر حملہ صرف بھی کچھ پراسرار خفیہ ہاتھ پر الزام عائد کرنا تھا brazen. تاہم ، رحمن ملک ، ہمارے ہاسیکر وزیر داخلہ ، ایک کوشش کریں جب انہوں نے کہا کہ حملہ آوروں نے ستارہ جنگ سے سیاہ کی طرح حروف میں ملبوس تھے ، کا مطلب ان کے حملے بھی جدید ہماری افواج کے لیے مزاحمت کو ہوا ہے کیا.

فوج پر شاید سب سے زبردست حملہ عاصمہ جہانگیر ، gutsy وکیل اور انسانی حقوق کے کارکن کی طرف سے آیا. ایک ٹی وی میں دکھا بات چیت ، وہ مطالبہ کیا کہ جنرل بیرکوں میں واپس (کہ وہ کس duffers بلایا). کے مکر و فریب ان کو پکڑا تھا کا ذکر کرتے ہوئے ، وہ چلا گیا ان کے ایک ‘qabza گروپ’ اس نے کئی سالوں سے پاکستان کا استحصال کیا جا رہا ہے کے میں الزام لگاتے ہیں.

sab theek ہائی — یہ صحیح وقت ہے کہ جنرل کیانی اور ان کے ساتھیوں نے ہمیشہ کی طرح ہے کہ کاروبار سمجھ ہے! – اب ایک راستہ ہے.

دہشت گرد حملوں کی سویلین اور فوجی مقاصد کے خلاف برسوں زيرناف اعتماد پر ان کے نقصان پہنچایا ہے.اور علم ہے کہ یہ دہشت گردی کی مہم کے پیچھے گروپ اصل میں اس نے ملٹری اسٹیبلشمنٹ کی طرف سے بنائی گئی سیکورٹی کی ہماری سمجھ میں شامل نہیں ہے.

عشروں سے اقتصادی ، سماجی اور سیاسی ترقی کیا گیا ہے قومی سلامتی کی ویدی کے طور پر فوج کی طرف سے وضاحت پر قربان. اور ابھی تک ہم نے کبھی بھی پہلے سے زیادہ خطرے میں ہیں. مشکل سے ایک دن اس ملک یا ایک دوسرے کے حصے میں کسی حملے کی خبر بغیر گزر جاتا ہے. یہ مسلسل ہتھوڑے چل رہی اس عزم اور عوام کے حوصلے sapping ہیں. فوج کی چیزوں کو بدتر بنانے کے لئے کوئی منصوبہ بندی اور نہ ہی کوئی اور انتہا پسند دہشت گردی کے خطرے کو شکست کا سامنا کرنے کی حکمت عملی ہے.

یہ بتانا تو بیکار ہے سویلین حکومت کو دوش دینے کی وجہ سے ہم سب جانتے ہیں کہ وہ فوج پر کوئی کنٹرول نہیں ہے. سیکیورٹی سے متعلق ، unchallenged جی ایچ کیو کے قوانین معاملات میں. تو یہ قدرتی ہے کہ جب سیکورٹی چوکوں اور دہشت گرد حملوں کے واقع ہے — جس طرح وہ سب کچھ بھی اکثر کرتے ہیں — یہ فوج اس الزام کی جائے گی ہے. flagging اعتماد کی اس پس منظر میں ، فوج کے باہر تک پہنچنے کے لئے اور جو لوگ اس کے BMWs کی ادائیگی کا اعتماد بحال کی ضرورت ہے.

یہ وہی ہے جو کیفے pyala کہنا تھا

سوال یہ ہے کہ سچ کا جواب کرنے کی ضرورت ہے کہ یہ کس طرح ھاکی میں پاکستان کے لوگوں کو ، جن کے لیڈر نے اسی جگہ پر صرف ایک ہفتے پہلے ہی اعلان کر کے ناک کے نیچے واقعی زندہ ہو دنیا میں سب سے زیادہ چاہتے تھے آدمی کے لئے ممکن تھا کہ اس کے آدمی ”. خوشحالی” تھا دہشت گردی کے پیچھے ہے اور یہ کہ پاکستانی “وقار” کے لئے نہیں کیا جائے گا معاہدہ سوال یہ ہے کہ سچ کا جواب کرنے کی ضرورت ہے ٹوٹ گیا ہے ہم کیوں — پاکستان کے عوام کو — کچھ بھی سنجیدگی اگر اپنے ساتھ لے وہ کہتے ہیں کرنا چاہئے ، حقیقت میں ، وہ اور ان کے لڑکوں کو سچ کر رہے ہیں نا کہ. اور پاکستانی عوام ان کے ایسے نااہلی فنڈ میں خوشحالی دینے کے لئے کیوں جاری رکھنا چاہئے. سوال یہ ہے کہ سچ کی ضرورت ہے ، ہو جواب میں اگر ھاکی میں لڑکوں کے نہ زمین کے چہرے پر سے سب سے زیادہ نا اہل لوگوں کے طور پر لیا جاتا ہے ، جو کچھ بھی وہ ایسے brazen duplicity سے حاصل کرنے کے لئے امید کر رہے تھے. کیونکہ اس نے سچ میں صرف ان کے دفاع میں دستیاب پسند ہے : مورھ ness – بمقابلہ دو facedness. ان کی حفاظت کچھ بھی ہو سکتا ہے شکریہ ، پاکستان جا رہا ہے یا تو ایک ناکام یا ایک دج ریاست کے تصور سے کسی ایک کا انتخاب کیا ہے.

سائرل المیڈا :

انکار اور سب سے اعلی درجے کا ایک مجموعہ ، جو خود بیان کی تعمیر — فوج کی ٹریک ریکارڈ سے کوئی بامعنی معائنے کے خلاف ایک مدافعتی کے طور پر کام کرتا ہے — subtly اور نہ اتنی subtly – میڈیا اور توڑ کے دوسرے چینلز کے ذریعے عوام پر foisted.

اور فوج کے ٹریک ریکارڈ کی ہے کہ تحقیقات کے بغیر ، فوج کا سویلین کنٹرول کے لئے دلیل ہمیشہ مرا ہوا ہے ، اس scummy اور خود دلچسپی کے سیاستدان خرابی کی دوسری سب سے بہتر کو تلاش کر ہی نفیس اور فوج کی قربانی.

یہاں تک کہ جب چیز ناشپاتیاں کے سائز کا جاؤ جیسا کہ انہوں نے گزشتہ مئی کو فوج mensis horribilis کے دوران کیا ، خود تعمیر – بیان جلد ہی trotted ہے ، زلزلہ کے واقعات کے گرد کاتا کی حقیقت میں ایک خود exonerating ایڈیشن.

چال کو دو حصوں میں کام کرتا ہے : سب سے پہلے تو ابر حقائق کا کوئی امکان کو روکنے اور اس کے بعد اپ نے دیکھ لیا اور غیب دشمنوں کے خلاف ملک کی حفاظت میں فوج کے کردار ادا کریں.

OBL شکست؟ پہلے ہی ہم جانتے ہیں کہ ہم جانتے ہیں کہ کس طرح اسامہ بن لادن کو واضح نظر میں سال کے لئے چھپا سکیں تھا یا جو بالکل 1-2 مئی کی رات کو کبھی نہیں ہوا ہوگا. ایک گڑھے میں حقائق shoveled اور رکھ دیا ایک – کرنا کچھ بھی نہیں کمیشن کے اوپر اس کے مواد کی حفاظت کے بعد ، فوج کے باہر اب رول کے ‘دشمنوں کی کثرت / آپ کو ہماری ضرورت ہے’ لائن کر سکتے ہیں.

پی این ایس مہران؟ اندرونی تحقیقات عوام سچ سننا کبھی نہیں کریں گے اس بات کی ضمانت. اور جب راکھ کے لئے کم طیاروں گئے ‘بھارت کے مخصوص’ ، فوج پر بہت محنت سے کرنے کی کوشش بھی نہیں ہے ‘دشمنوں کی کثرت / آپ کو ہماری ضرورت ہے’ ڈاؤن لوڈ ، اتارنا.

سلیم شہزاد؟ کہ آئی ایس آئی گمنام بات کی ہے. ہے سلیم قاتل یا کبھی نہیں کیا جائے گا کی کوشش کی عوامی طور پر ظاہر کر. اور آئی ایس آئی اپنی ساکھ کے لئے) کھڑے نہیں کیا جا رہا ہے بدنام کیا جائے گا.

ضبط کا ایک دو مجموعہ کو حقائق اور متحدہ کے محافظ کے طور پر فوج کے کردار drumming تقریبا ایک بار اس کی ضمانت میں مزید فوج کی اسٹاک واپس باؤنس گا. فوج کی خود پیش کرنے کی دستیاب قصہ ، جو ایک سنرچناتمک تبدیلی کا آغاز ہو سکتی تھی کے لئے نہیں جوابی بیان کے آخر میں ایک چکریی ڈاؤن کے طور پر یاد کیا جائے گا.

دہشت – کہانیوں — یا ، اس سے زیادہ bluntly رکھنا ، سچ — جب حقائق دبا کر رہے ہیں کی طرف سے آنے کے لئے بہت مشکل ہے. کارگل یاد رکھیں؟ یا ’71جنگ؟ یا یہاں تک کہ ’65جنگ؟ قسم یا نہیں اجازت debacles یا مطالعہ کرنے کو دبانے کی انکوائری کے نتائج ، فوج کے ایک قابل لڑ قوت کے طور پر اپنی ساکھ کو بچانے میں کامیاب رہے ہیں.

تو شاید اگر فوج نے کبھی بھی ہے سویلین کنٹرول کے تحت لایا جائے ، کیا ہم پہلی بار کی ضرورت ہے

August 30, 2010

Ways to help Pakistan

Relief 4 PakistanDevelopment in Literacy - DILDoctors Without Borders

August 7, 2010

DEAR PAKISTANIS – HELP YOUR COUNTRYMEN

You may also make donations to the following organizations:

RED CRESCENT ICRC:

Accepting donations:

ASDA 6-6 Askari Bank G8 Markaz Islamabad
Foreign currency account number 0083-02800002
Bank Alfalah LTD Jinnah Road Rawalpindi
Telephone number: +92-51-9250404/5

Food Items are being accepted for donations: dry milk, non perishable food items, lentils, and water at the nearest Red Crescent office

EDHI FOUNDATION: ACCEPTING DONATIONS IN CASH AND/OR GOODS:

EDHI HEAD OFFICE
Sarafa Bazar, Boulton Market, Mithadar, Karachi.
Ph: +92 (21) 2413232
Fax: +92 (21) 2413232

ZONAL OFFICE KARACHI
Near Merewether Tower, Kharadar, Karachi.
Phone: +92 (21) 220126 1-62
Fax: +92 (21) 2313434
Email: edhikarachi@hotmail.com

ZONAL OFFICE LAHORE
17-A Muslim Block, Allama Iqbal Town, Lahore.
Ph: +92 (42) 5414211

ZONAL OFFICE ISLAMABAD
Near Masjide-e-Shohada, Aabpara, Islamabad.
Ph: +92 (51) 2827844

ACCEPTED ITEMS FOR EDHI DONATIONS:

Clothing: Clothes of various sizes, beddings, shoes

Utensils: Large plastic cans that hold 20 liters of water or liquids, crockery, buckets

Toiletries: Tissues, soaps, Dettol (antibacterial cleaners), towels

Food: Rice, sugar, flour (Atta), onions, potatoes, cooking oil, tea, milk (tetra packs or powder), safe drinking water, cooked food

Medicine and/or Medical Equipment: Water purification tablets, life saving drugs, vaccines for malaria, cholera, typhoid, influenza, pain killers including strong ones like morphine derivatives, tremadol, pethadine, kinz, antibiotics e.g. tetnus, amoxil, gentamycin, IV (intravenous) cannulas, IV Drip sets, IV drips: normal saline, ringer lactate, local anesthetics (injections), cotton bandages, cotton, surgical instruments: e.g needle holders, forceps, tweezers, suturing materials, skin staples

PM RELIEF

PM=92S Flood Relief Fund 2010 has set up an account at all branches of the National Bank of Pakistan:

Account No: 898989.

Donation may be deposited through NBP=92S regular pay-in slip. Donor will receive counter-slip duly stamped as token of having deposited the donation amount.

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